Fascist manifesto

The Fascist manifesto was the initial declaration of the political stance of the founders of Fascism in Italy.

Contents

Origins of Italian Fascism

The classic definition of Italian Fascism applies to the latter part of the history of the movement in power, when Italy was firmly under the leadership of Benito Mussolini. Its initial political stance - in the June 1919 Manifesto - includes, however, many elements that would not be normally associated with fascism in the classic definition, including support for democracy (indeed, the fascist manifesto actually called for greater democratic rights) and a limited number of socialist ideas. All these were slowly abandoned over the following years, as fascism took its recognizable, anti-democratic and anti-socialist shape.

Originally, the leading committee of the Fascist Movement included both former Socialist Party members (among them Mussolini himself) and nationalists. The resulting Manifesto, united in the common aim of overturning the existing system, reflects a clear compromise between these strands. Only subsequently did Mussolini establish outright leadership of the movement.

Given that Fascism is recognised (with a few exceptions) as being dictatorial, it is noteworthy that elements of the Manifesto call for wider democracy. What was enacted during two decades of Fascist government was quite contrary in substance. During 21 years of Fascist government, not all Manifesto pledges were achieved, and many were simply ignored; forgotten by the system. Interestingly, many elements were subsequently imposed by the Italian democratic republic during the post-Fascist era.

Contents of the Fascist Manifesto

The Manifesto is divided into four sections, describing Fascist objectives in political, social, military and financial fields.

Politically, the Manifesto calls for:

  • universal suffrage at age 18, including non-landowners
  • proportional representation on a regional basis
  • voting for women (which was opposed by every other European nation)
  • representation at government level of newly created National Councils by economic sector, and
  • the abolition of the Italian Senate, which were political appointments made by the King to his friends.

The National Councils would combine workers, professionals and employers. The concept was rooted in corporatist ideology and derived in part from Catholic church social doctrine,

At the time, the Senate, as the upper house of parliament, was by process elected by the wealthier citizens, but were in reality direct appointments by the King. (It has been described as a sort of extended council of the Crown.)

In labour and social policy, the Manifesto calls for:

  • an 8-hour day and a minimum wage
  • involvement of workers' representatives in industry
  • reorganisation of the transport sector
  • revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance, and
  • reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55.

In military affairs, the Manifesto advocates:

  • creation of a short-service national militia with specifically defensive responsibilities
  • armaments factories are to be nationalised, and
  • a peaceful but competitive foreign policy.

In finance, the Manifesto advocates:

  • a heavy progressive tax on capital (envisaging a "partial expropriation" of concentrated wealth)
  • expropriation of the property of religious congregations
  • revision of all contracts for military provisions and
  • sequestration of 85% of all war profits by the state.

The Manifesto thus combined elements of contemporary democratic and progressive thought (franchise reform, elite Senate abolition, labour reform, limited nationalisation, taxes on wealth and war profits) with corporatist emphasis on the subsuming of class antagonisms in national effort. However, it is to be noted that none of these statements are specifically influenced by Marxism in any way.

The Manifesto in Practice

Of the Manifesto's proposals, the commitment to corporative organisation of economic interests which was to be the longest lasting. Far from becoming a medium of extended democracy, parliament became by law an exclusively Fascist-picked body in 1929; being replaced by the "Chamber of Corporations" a decade later.

Fascism's pacifist foreign policy ceased during its first year of Italian government. In September 1923, the Corfu crisis demonstrated the regime's willingness to use force internationally. Perhaps the greatest success of Fascist diplomacy was the Lateran Treaty of February 1929: which accepted the principle of non-interference in the affairs of the Church. This ended the 59 year old dispute between Italy and the Papacy.

Source text

Original Italian version

Il manifesto dei fasci di combattimento published in Il Popolo d'Italia (the newspaper directed by Mussolini) on June 6 1919

Italiani! Ecco il programma di un movimento genuinamente italiano. Rivoluzionario perché antidogmatico; fortemente innovatore antipregiudiziaiolo.

Per il problema politico: Noi vogliamo:

a) Suffragio universale a scrutinio di lista regionale, con rappresentanza proporzionale, voto ed eleggibilità per le donne.
b) II minimo di età per gli elettori abbassato ai I8 anni; quello per i deputati abbassato ai 25 anni.
c) L'abolizione del Senato.
d) La convocazione di una Assemblea Nazionale per la durata di tre anni, il cui primo compito sia quello di stabilire la forma di costituzione dello Stato.
e) La formazione di Consigli Nazionali tecnici del lavoro, dell'industria, dei trasporti, dell'igiene sociale, delle comunicazioni, ecc. eletti dalle collettività professionali o di mestiere, con poteri legislativi, e diritto di eleggere un Commissario Generale con poteri di Ministro.

Per il problema sociale: Noi vogliamo:

a) La sollecita promulgazione di una legge dello Stato che sancisca per tutti i lavori la giornata legale di otto ore di lavoro.
b) I minimi di paga.
c) La partecipazione dei rappresentanti dei lavoratori al funzionamento tecnico dell'industria.
d) L'affidamento alle stesse organizzazioni proletarie (che ne siano degne moralmente e tecnicamente) della gestione di industrie o servizi pubblici.
e) La rapida e completa sistemazione dei ferrovieri e di tutte le industrie dei trasporti.
f) Una necessaria modificazione del progetto di legge di assicurazione sulla invalidità e sulla vecchiaia abbassando il limite di età, proposto attualmente a 65 anni, a 55 anni.

Per il problema militare: Noi vogliamo:

a) L'istituzione di una milizia nazionale con brevi servizi di istruzione e compito esclusivamente difensivo.
b) La nazionalizzazione di tutte le fabbriche di armi e di esplosivi.
c) Una politica estera nazionale intesa a valorizzare, nelle competizioni pacifiche della civiltà, la Nazione italiana nel mondo.

Per il problema finanziario: Noi vogliamo:

a) Una forte imposta straordinaria sul capitale a carattere progressivo, che abbia la forma di vera espropriazione parziale di tutte le ricchezze.
b) II sequestro di tutti i beni delle congregazioni religiose e l'abolizione di tutte le mense Vescovili che costituiscono una enorme passività per la Nazione e un privilegio di pochi.
c) La revisione di tutti i contratti di forniture di guerra ed il sequestro dell' 85% dei profitti di guerra.

In II popolo d'Italia, 6 giugno 1919.

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